"It's a little bit premature to label this as a diagnosis," Bean said. "I'm a clinician and a researcher, so I see people who play video games and believe themselves to be on the lines of addicted." In his experience, they're actually using gaming "more as a coping mechanism for either anxiety or depression."
Forthcoming research shows that gaming is a secondary diagnosis in coping with a primary diagnosis of anxiety and depression, Bean said: "When anxiety and depression is dealt with, the gaming goes down significantly."
The criteria being used by WHO to define gaming disorder in the ICD are "too broad," he said, while the mild, moderate or severe versions of the disorder have not been adequately delineated. Diagnosing a patient with gaming disorder, then, would be based on the "very subjective experience of clinicians," he said.
"And even most clinicians would probably agree that they don't understand the concept for video games because they're not immersed in that world or experience," he added.
The ICD diagnosis is not "appropriately informed," Bean said, since most clinicians -- and the mental health field as a whole -- do not understand the gaming population.
Bean's patients range from "11-year-olds, males and females, all the way up to 36 years old."
宾的病人从“11岁的孩子到36岁的患者,无论男女都有”。
Working closely with them and understanding their games, he said, "you can actually see overt qualities of their gaming style and the way they actually interact with the world around them."
This knowledge can be used to help them through depression and anxiety, he says.
他认为,这样的知识能用于帮助他们走出抑郁,战胜焦虑。
Someone playing "Minecraft" is going to be completely different from someone playing "World of Warcraft," he said: "They're two vastly different genres." The first is "an online social interaction," the second "more of a cosmic survival mechanism."
"If we understand what genres each person gravitates towards, it informs who they are as a person and why they choose that," Bean said. Then, clinicians can recommend a new game to guide a gamer toward more healthy behavior.
For parents or other loving ones concerned about a much-too-avid gamer, the first step is becoming "as informed as possible," recommended Bean, who is an author of a guidebook for clinicians wishing to work with gamers. "That's by far the number one thing that comes in with parents who have concerns is, they don't even know what games are being played," he said. The first question to ask, then, is "Why is this interesting to you?"
Ultimately, Bean is not saying gaming disorder doesn't exist, he just thinks "it's not really a good idea to go forward with this [diagnosis]. ... It really opens the door for anything to be a sickness."
Absolutely anything -- watching too much football on TV, doing too much research -- could be considered behaviorally addictive if mental health professionals don't insist on more rigorous study of the issue, Bean said: "Opening that door is a Pandora's box."
“用语言讲述的事实,替代客观存在的事实,常常是一种修辞化的替代,是语言制造的修辞幻觉。只是人们在沉醉于修辞化表述的审美效果时,很少注意修辞幻象对于真实世界的遮蔽作用。……人们对外部世界的感知、人的价值观的建立、评价系统的产生,在很大程度上是通过语言获取思想资源的,而语言提供的,是修辞化的世界。……修辞话语既是主体对现实世界的反映,又是对现实世界的偏离,后者在主体的心理层面幻化,并定型为修辞话语。所以,修辞在表达环节,是按照表达者的意图,而不是按照世界的本来面目来描摹对象 ”(谭&朱, 2001, p. 184)。
"修辞话语以符号形式作用于接受者。特定符号系统和特定社会文化系统的内在关联性,形成一种规约人类认识世界的理性框架。社会文化系统的构成原则、构成方式、意义传递途径等,被接受者自觉或不自觉地内化到心里深层,潜在地成为一种解码准则。接受者运用这种解码准则进行的修辞接受,又汇入社会对某种修辞表达的认同之中”(谭&朱, 2001, p. 358。
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